Fired for Being Jewish

Lists of professors who are “too openly Zionist” are being compiled on Instagram. Then pressure to get these professors removed begins.

See, for instance, the case of Miriam F. Elman at Syracuse University.

5 thoughts on “Fired for Being Jewish”

    1. \ Being Jewish and being a Zionist are different.

      I fully agree with Miriam Elman’s words below as do all Israeli Jews and most Jews in the world:

      // I define contemporary anti-Semitism as the denial to Jews as a distinctive people the right to self-government in the land of their origins.

      What’s central to this “new anti-Semitism” is that instead of being hated for their religion or for their race, as they were for millennia, today Jews are vilified for their nation state.

      … today’s assault on Jews is increasingly couched in the language of human rights. Israel—the homeland of the Jews—stands accused of cardinal sins against human justice, including apartheid, ethnic cleansing, and attempted genocide.

      no one would dream of telling Christians that their religion has nothing to do with Jesus. Yet BDS advocates think it’s perfectly fine to tell Jews that their religion (Judaism) really has nothing to do with being part of a nation (Zion).

      As Evelyn Gordon quips in a recent op-ed with a great title (“Denying Jews the Right to Define Judaism is Anti-Semitism”), “neither the Bible nor 4,000 years of Jewish tradition recognizes any such divide”.

      https://legalinsurrection.com/2016/01/when-does-anti-israel-become-anti-semitic/

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  1. // See, for instance, the case of Miriam F. Elman at Syracuse University.

    I tried to find info on her being hounded but failed. Do you have a link?

    However, I am glad I searched her name since in her book “Democracy and Conflict Resolution: The Dilemmas of Israel’s Peacemaking” she says something that rings true to me:

    // Studies of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict typically focus on how international conditions drive the likelihood of conflict resolution. By contrast, Democracy and Conflict Resolution considers the understudied impact of domestic factors. Using the contested theory of “democratic peace” as a foundational framework, the contributors explore the effects of various internal influences on Israeli government practices related to peace-making: electoral systems, political parties, identity, leadership, and social movements. Most strikingly, Democracy and Conflict Resolution explores the possibility that features of democracy inhibit resolution of conflict, a possibility that resonates far outside the contested region. In reflecting on how domestic political configurations matter in a practical sense, this book offers policy-relevant and timely suggestions for advancing Israel’s capacity to pursue effective peacemaking policies.

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